Up@dawn 2.0

Monday, February 28, 2022

"Philosophy as Poetry" (Page-Barbour Lectures)-AFTERWORD

AFTERWORD, MARY V. RORTY

HE READ A LOT, THAT MAN. HE STARTED EARLY, AND he kept it up. Seeing where it took him, it’s easy to suspect that he persisted in philosophy after his (very) early years at Robert Hutchins’s University of Chicago because, of all possible majors, it was the one least likely to restrict the range of things he could justify reading. But he read not just out of antiquarian affection for the best that has been thought and said—but also with constant attention to the implications of what he read for our time, our moment in history. And he read—and wrote—because of his conviction that words matter, that our language is our world, and that by our words we can change our world. I don’t think anyone ever doubted that he had in fact read all the people whose names fill the pages of his writings, and the scrawling marginalia in his library attest to the attention he gave their work—whether or not his construals of what they meant were uncontroversial. In these three lectures, for instance, he drops twenty-seven names in the first lecture, thirty-seven in the third, and a resounding forty-two names in the second—although, to soften the blow, it’s usually the same names in each. One of the nice things about his cavalier division of the history of philosophy into heroes and villains, and one of the things that helps his international reputation, is that if you aren’t familiar with what separates Pierce and Dewey, or the different priorities of Russell and Wittgenstein, you may nonetheless appreciate his view of what divides Husserl from Heidegger, and thus get a sense of the party for which he wants your allegiance. It is often with American pragmatism, under some—his?—description, a commodious tent, into which he was inclined to drag many contemporaries who might have had little inclination to enter it voluntarily. What strikes me about the Page-Barbour lectures—and indeed about much of his later work—is his vision of philosophy as one form of literature, a novel, rather than a mere biography, about the life of some ideas, tracing the convoluted growth and transformations of concepts over the course of time. In the third lecture he finally gave me a source—Hegel—for one of his deepest convictions: that “philosophy is, at best, its time held in thought.” To hold late-twentieth-century philosophy in thought means to acknowledge its ancestry and its variety—and to suggest a direction for its future development, as well. Ambitious? Hmm. Controversial? I’d hope so. It is, after all, our disagreements that keep us reading our peers and writing about them. Revisiting the Page-Barbour lectures Richard gave at the University of Virginia in the early years of the twenty-first century evokes pleasant memories of the time the family spent in Charlottesville—civility, collegiality, and the kind of intellectual stimulation and freedom that only a great university can provide. He was surprised, I think—even puzzled—by the impact of the publication of Mirror of Nature in 1979 on some of his most valued colleagues and friends; why, and how, could they take this odyssey of an idea so personally? The offer of a university professorship from UVa in 1981 offered a safe harbor of sorts: he could go to two department meetings (or neither); anything the English department didn’t like they could blame on the influence of the philosophy department, and vice versa. One of his heroes (second only to P. G. Wodehouse), the British humorist Stephen Potter, recommended in his book The Theory and Practice of Gamesmanship that the wise man would be a member not of one club, but of two, so that he could “be the other in the other”—wear a beret to the Guards, a topee to the Arts. A transdepartmental university professorship, he figured, was the best thing since the invention of tenure. His post-emeritus move to Stanford at the turn of the century offered many of the same advantages. Some of his most enduring friendships—and mine—were formed in our decades in Charlottesville. The philosophy department and women’s studies welcomed the participation in their programs of a faculty wife; the medical school, to my amusement, was offering a master’s in clinical ethics that encouraged philosophers to add some practical experience to their theory. The idea that philosophy could and should intervene in the world—in as many ways as possible, rather than only as a cloistered academic pursuit—was an idea dear to any Rortyan heart. There is a certain justice in titling this collection of Rorty’s Page-Barbour lectures “Philosophy as Poetry.” For a man as logocentric as Richard, it is easy to think in genres, and certainly he considered philosophy as one literary genre among others—as are physics, or mathematics, or medicine, all representing ways of finding (or imposing) order on the chaos of the world around us, so we could talk about it to each other. His last publication was a short piece for Poetry magazine, titled “The Fire of Life.” Speaking of the pleasure he took in the poems he had consigned to memory, he wrote that he wished he had spent more of his reading time stocking his head with verses to which he could turn at leisure. If philosophy is poetry, then perhaps, when changing how you describe things changes the world, poetry is also philosophy."

"Philosophy as Poetry (Page-Barbour Lectures)" by Richard Rorty, Michael Bérubé, Mary Varney Rorty: https://a.co/hKdCE7J

Thursday, February 24, 2022

Mill’s On Liberty provides all the ethical instruction one needs

"Polytheism, in the sense in which I have defined it, is pretty much coextensive with romantic utilitarianism. For once one sees no way of ranking human needs other than playing them off against one another, human happiness becomes all that matters, and Mill’s On Liberty provides all the ethical instruction one needs.i Polytheists agree with Mill and Arnold that poetry should take over the role which religion has played in the formation of individual human lives, and that nothing should take over the function of the churches. Poets are to polytheism what the priests of a universal church are to monotheism. So once you become polytheistic, you are likely to turn away not only from priests, but from such priest-substitutes as metaphysicians and physicists. But such a turn is compatible with two different attitudes toward those who retain a monotheistic faith. One can see them as Nietzsche did, as blind, weak, fools. Or one can see them as James and Dewey did, as people who are so spell-bound by the work of one poet as to be unable to appreciate the work of other poets. One can be, like Nietzsche, aggressively atheist, or one can, like Dewey, see such aggressive atheism as itself a version of monotheism, as having “something in common with traditional supernaturalism.”9"

Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism: https://a.co/elSxNCA

Science and religion two non-competing ways of producing happiness

"For the underlying motive of that theory is to give us a way to reconcile science and religion by viewing them not as two competing ways of representing reality, but rather two non-competing ways of producing happiness. I take the anti-representationalist view of thought and language to have been motivated, in James’s case, by the realization that the need for choice between competing representations can be replaced by tolerance for a plurality of non-competing descriptions, descriptions which serve different purposes and which are to be evaluated by reference to their utility in fulfilling these purposes rather than by their “fit” with the objects being described. If James’s watchword was tolerance, then Dewey’s was, as I have said, anti-authoritarianism. His revulsion from the sense of sinfulness which his religious upbringing had produced led Dewey to campaign, throughout his life, against the view that human beings needed to measure themselves against something non-human. As I shall be saying in more detail later, Dewey used the term “democracy” to mean something like what Habermas means by the term “communicative reason”: for him, this word sums up the idea that human beings should regulate their actions and beliefs by the need to join with other human beings in cooperative projects, rather than by the need to stand in the correct relation to something non-human. This is why he grabbed hold of James’s pragmatic theory of truth."

Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism https://a.co/e5IT8Q6

Hope for a presently unimaginably better human future

"The view that I am offering in these lectures is anti-universalistic, in the sense that it discourages attempts to formulate generalizations which cover all possible forms of human existence. Hope for a presently unimaginably better human future is hope that no generalization we can presently formulate will be adequate to cover that future."

RR, PAA: https://a.co/b0yjLkn

Wednesday, February 23, 2022

Loyalty as rationality

"...if by rationality we mean simply the sort of activity which Walzer thinks of as a thinning-out process—the sort that, with luck, achieves the formulation and utilization of an overlapping consensus, then the idea that justice has a different source than loyalty no longer seems plausible.19 For, on this account of rationality, being rational and acquiring a larger loyalty are two descriptions of the same activity. This is because any unforced agreement between individuals and groups about what to do creates a form of community, and will, with luck, be the initial stage in expanding the circles of those whom each party to the agreement had previously taken to be “people like ourselves.” The opposition between rational argument and fellow feeling thus begins to dissolve. For fellow feeling may, and often does, arise from the realization that the people whom one thought one might have to go to war with, use force on, are, in Rawls’s sense, “reasonable.” They are, it turns out, enough like us to see the point of compromising differences in order to live in peace, and of abiding by the agreement that has been hammered out. They are, to some degree at least, trustworthy."

Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism: https://a.co/f3dN4r6

RR on a larger loyalty

"...should we describe such moral dilemmas as these as conflicts between loyalty and justice, or rather, as I have suggested we might, between loyalties to smaller groups and loyalties to larger groups? This amounts to asking: Would it be a good idea to treat “justice” as the name for loyalty to a certain very large group, the name for our largest current loyalty, rather than the name of something distinct from loyalty? Could we replace the notion of “justice” with that of loyalty to that group—for example, one’s fellow citizens, or the human species, or all living things? Would anything be lost by this replacement? Moral philosophers who remain loyal to Kant are likely to think that a lot would be lost. Kantians typically insist that justice springs from reason, and loyalty from sentiment. Only reason, they say, can impose universal and unconditional moral obligations, and our obligation to be just is of this sort. It is on another level from the sort of affectional relations which create loyalty. Jürgen Habermas is the most prominent contemporary philosopher to insist on this Kantian way of looking at things: the thinker least willing to blur either the line between reason and sentiment, or the line between universal validity and historical consensus. But contemporary philosophers who depart from Kant, either in the direction of Hume (like Annette Baier) or in the direction of Hegel (like Charles Taylor) or in that of Aristotle (like Alasdair MacIntyre) are not so sure."

"Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism": https://a.co/iVMyPfa

"Not God, but life"

"I turn now to the question of how this view of religious belief accords with the views of James and Dewey. It would not, I think, have been congenial to James. But I think it might have suited Dewey. So I shall argue that it is Dewey’s rather unambitious and half-hearted A Common Faith, rather than James’s brave and exuberant “Conclusion” to Varieties of Religious Experience, that coheres best with the romantic utilitarianism which both accepted. James says, in that chapter of Varieties, that “the pivot round which the religious life revolves … is the interest of the individual in his private personal destiny.” Science, however, “repudiating the personal point of view,” gives us a picture of nature which “has no one distinguishable ultimate tendency with which it is possible to feel a sympathy.” The “driftings of the cosmic atoms” are “a kind of aimless weather, doing and undoing, achieving no proper history, and leaving no result” (VRE, 387–388).y On the view I have just outlined, he should have followed this up by saying, “But we are free to describe the universe in many different ways. Describing it as the drifting of cosmic atoms is useful for the social project of working together to control our environment and improve man’s estate. But that description leaves us entirely free to say, for example, that the Heavens proclaim the glory of God.” Sometimes James seems to take this line, as when, with obvious approval, he quotes James Henry Leuba as saying, “God is not known, he is not understood, he is used—sometimes as meat-purveyor, sometimes as moral support, sometimes as friend, sometime as an object of love. If he proves himself useful, the religious consciousness can ask no more than that. Does God really exist? How does he exist? What is he? are so many irrelevant questions. Not God, but life, more life, a larger, richer, more satisfying life, is, in the last analysis, the end of religion.” (VRE, 398)"

Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism" by Richard Rorty, Eduardo Mendieta, Robert B. Brandom: https://a.co/f3uRbVW

Monday, February 21, 2022

Russell on WJ's WtB

"Ultimately the truth or falsehood of his doctrine would be decided on the battlefield, without the collection of any fresh evidence for or against it. This method is the logical outcome of William James’s will to believe. What is wanted is not the will to believe, but the wish to find out, which is its exact opposite."

Free Thought and Official Propaganda" by Bertrand Russell: https://a.co/hZmK3cg

Will to doubt

"William James used to preach the “will to believe.” For my part, I should wish to preach the “will to doubt.” None of our beliefs are quite true; all have at least a penumbra of vagueness and error. The methods of increasing the degree of truth in our beliefs are well known; they consist in hearing all sides, trying to ascertain all the relevant facts, controlling our own bias by discussion with people who have the opposite bias, and cultivating a readiness to discard any hypothesis which has proved inadequate."

Free Thought and Official Propaganda: https://a.co/gX28O9g

Sin & Reality "Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism"

"I see the pragmatists’ account of truth, and more generally their anti-representationalist account of belief, as a protest against the idea that human beings must humble themselves before something non-human, whether the Will of God or the Intrinsic Nature of Reality. So I shall begin by developing an analogy which I think was central to John Dewey’s thought: the analogy between ceasing to believe in Sin and ceasing to believe that Reality has an intrinsic nature."

Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism" by Richard Rorty, Eduardo Mendieta, Robert B. Brandom: https://a.co/c63oZsq 1

Happier- "Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism"

"Dewey, like James, was a utilitarian: he thought that in the end the only moral or epistemological criteria we have or need is whether performing an action, or holding a belief, will, in the long run, make for greater human happiness. He saw progress as produced by increasing willingness to experiment, to get out from under the past. So he hoped we should learn to view current scientific, religious, philosophical, and moral beliefs with the skepticism with which Bentham viewed the laws of England: he hoped each new generation would try to cobble together some more useful beliefs—beliefs which would help them make human life richer, fuller, and happier."

Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism" by Richard Rorty, Eduardo Mendieta, Robert B. Brandom: https://a.co/2oy8NQv

Dewey's political hopes-"Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism"

"The lectures try to sketch the result of putting aside the cosmological, epistemological, and moral versions of the sublime: God as immaterial first cause, Reality as utterly alien to our epistemic subjectivity, and moral purity as unreachable by our inherently sinful empirical selves. I follow Dewey in suggesting that we build our philosophical reflections around our political hopes: around the project of fashioning institutions and customs which will make human life, finite and mortal life, more beautiful."

Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism" by Richard Rorty, Eduardo Mendieta, Robert B. Brandom: https://a.co/4F82CR9

Hope "Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism"

"These lectures offered what Rorty called “a fairly simple, albeit sketchy, outline of my own version of pragmatism. This version makes no pretence of being faithful to the thoughts of James or Dewey (much less Peirce, whom I barely mentioned). Rather, it offers my own, sometimes idiosyncratic, restatements of Jamesian and Deweyan themes.” Rorty notes that the themes signaled in the titles of the lectures result from his conviction that James’s and Dewey’s principal accomplishments were of a critical and negative nature. They showed us to how dispense, how to “slough off,” a lot of the baggage we inherited from the Platonic tradition. James and Dewey, according to Rorty, taught us to think “without” a lot of ideas that led us into blind alleys or subordinated us to an authority other than the authority of our social practices and vocabularies. As Rorty explains: “The title ‘Hope in Place of Knowledge’ is a way of suggesting that Plato and Aristotle were wrong in thinking that humankind’s most distinctive and praiseworthy capacity is to know things as they really are—to penetrate behind appearance to reality. That claim saddles us with the unfortunate appearance-reality distinction and with metaphysics: a distinction, and a discipline, which pragmatism shows us how to do without … My candidate for the most distinctive and praiseworthy human capacity is our ability to trust and to cooperate with other people, and in particular to work together so as to improve the future.”7"

"Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism" by Richard Rorty, Eduardo Mendieta, Robert B. Brandom: https://a.co/6iEUuAg

"Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism"-RR's idiosyncrasies

"These lectures offered what Rorty called “a fairly simple, albeit sketchy, outline of my own version of pragmatism. This version makes no pretence of being faithful to the thoughts of James or Dewey (much less Peirce, whom I barely mentioned). Rather, it offers my own, sometimes idiosyncratic, restatements of Jamesian and Deweyan themes.” Rorty notes that the themes signaled in the titles of the lectures result from his conviction that James’s and Dewey’s principal accomplishments were of a critical and negative nature. They showed us to how dispense, how to “slough off,” a lot of the baggage we inherited from the Platonic tradition. James and Dewey, according to Rorty, taught us to think “without” a lot of ideas that led us into blind alleys or subordinated us to an authority other than the authority of our social practices and vocabularies. As Rorty explains: “The title ‘Hope in Place of Knowledge’ is a way of suggesting that Plato and Aristotle were wrong in thinking that humankind’s most distinctive and praiseworthy capacity is to know things as they really are—to penetrate behind appearance to reality. That claim saddles us with the unfortunate appearance-reality distinction and with metaphysics: a distinction, and a discipline, which pragmatism shows us how to do without … My candidate for the most distinctive and praiseworthy human capacity is our ability to trust and to cooperate with other people, and in particular to work together so as to improve the future.”7"

https://a.co/c8bCjC3

Sunday, February 20, 2022

Perceptual Experience Quote from Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism by Richard Rorty

"Sellars and Davidson can be read as saying that Aristotle's slogan, constantly cited by the empiricists, "Nothing in the intellect which was not previously in the senses," was a wildly misleading way of describing the relation between the objects of knowledge and our knowledge of them. McDowell, however, though agreeing that this slogan was misleading, thinks that we are now in danger of tossing the baby out with the bath. We need to recapture the insight which motivated the empiricists. He disagrees with Brandom's implicit suggestion that we simply forget about sense-impressions, and other putative mental contents which cannot be identified with judgments. The controversy between McDowell and Brandom is exciting wide interest among Anglophone philosophers because it is forcing them to ask whether we still have any use for the notion of "perceptual experience." Brandom thinks that this notion was never of much use, and that its place can be taken by that of "non-inferential judgments caused by changes in the physiological condition of sense-organs." McDowell thinks that such a replacement would deprive us of an important empiricist insight—one which Locke and Aristotle shared, though both formulated it very badly indeed. Brandom carries through on Sellars's criticism of "the Myth of the Given" by showing how the notion of "accurate representation of objective reality" can be constructed out of material provided by our grasp of the notion of "making correct inferential connections between assertions." He carries through on the "linguistic turn" by showing that if we understand how organisms came to use a logical and semantical vocabulary, we do not need to give any further explanation of how they came to have minds. For to possess beliefs and desires, on Brandom's view, is simply to play a language game which deploys such a vocabulary. McDowell demurs from Brandom's conclusions while accepting many of his premises. He does not agree that we can reconstruct the notion of representation out of that of inference, and thinks that Brandom's "inferentialist" account of concepts does not work. For McDowell, it is equally important to accept Sellars's point that something without conceptual structure cannot justify a belief and to insist, pace Sellars, that mental events which are not judgments can justify beliefs. So he pumps new life into the notion of "perceptual experience" by arguing that such experience is conceptually structured, but is nonetheless distinct from the belief which may result from it. McDowell's book is daring and original. Reading it side by side with Brandom's permits one to grasp the present situation in Anglophone philosophy of mind and language. One way of describing that situation is to say that whereas Sellars and Davidson use Kantian arguments to overcome the Humean dogmas retained by Russell and Ayer, Brandom and McDowell supplement Kantian arguments with Hegelian ones. Most Anglophone philosophers still do not take Hegel seriously, but the rise of what Brandom and McDowell refer to as their "Pittsburgh School of neo-Hegelians" may force them to. For this school holds that analytic philosophy still needs to pass over from its Kantian to its Hegelian moment."

— Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism by Richard Rorty
https://a.co/cpj0682


Phil.Oliver@mtsu.edu
👣Solvitur ambulando
💭Sapere aude

Quote from Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism by Richard Rorty-immediacy

"It is also a choice of natural science as the paradigm of rational inquiry, a Kantian choice which Hegel explicitly repudiates. When one switches from Kant to Hegel, the philosopher whom Sellars described as "the great foe of immediacy," these metaphors lose much of their appeal. So it is not surprising that it is among Anglophone philosophers, who read far more Kant than they do Hegel, that these metaphors should remain most prevalent. From a Sellarsian, Davidsonian, Brandomian, or Hegelian viewpoint, there is no clear need for what McDowell describes as 'a minimal empiricism': the idea that experience must constitute a tribunal, mediating the way our thinking is answerable to how things are, as it must be if we are to make sense of it as thinking at all. 4 For Sellars, Davidson, and Brandom, we are constantly interacting with things as well as with persons, and one of the ways in which we interact with both is through their effects upon our sensory organs. But none of these three philosophers need the notion of experience as a mediating tribunal. They can be content with an account of the world as exerting control on our inquiries in a merely causal way, rather than as exerting what McDowell calls "rational control." What McDowell says of Davidson is true of Sellars and Brandom as well: all three think "a merely causal, not rational, linkage between thinking and independent reality will do, as an interpretation of the idea that empirical content requires friction against something external to thinking." 5 That such an account will not do is the first, and largely unargued, premise of McDowell's book."

— Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism by Richard Rorty
https://a.co/aKXie3d


Phil.Oliver@mtsu.edu
👣Solvitur ambulando
💭Sapere aude

Thursday, February 17, 2022

“We American college teachers”

This Is quite a remarkable passage In Rorty's Universality and Truth lecture. Understand it, and you better understand his total weltanschauung.

"The fundamentalist parents of our fundamentalist students think that the entire 'liberal Establishment' is engaged in a conspiracy…These parents have a point. Their point is that we liberal teachers no more feel in a symmetrical communication situation when we talk with our fundamentalist students than do kindergarten teachers with their students…When we American college teachers encounter religious fundamentalists, we do not consider the possibility of reformulating our own practices of justification so as to give more weight to the authority of the Christian Scriptures. Instead, we do our best to convince these students of the benefits of secularization. We assign first-person accounts of growing up homosexual to our homophobic students for the same reasons that German schoolteachers in the postwar period assigned The Diary of Anne Frank…The racist or fundamentalist parents of our students say that in a truly democratic society the students should not be forced to read books by such people—black people, Jewish people, homosexual people. They will protest that these books are being jammed down their children's throats. I cannot see how to reply to this charge without saying something like 'There are credentials for admission to our democratic society, credentials which we liberals have been making steadily more stringent by doing our best to excommunicate racists, male chauvinists, homophobes, and the like. You have to be educated in order to be a citizen of our society, a participant in our conversation, someone with whom we can envisage merging our horizons. So we are going to go right on trying to discredit you in the eyes of your children, trying to strip your fundamentalist religious community of dignity, trying to make your views seem silly rather than discussable. We are not so inclusivist as to tolerate intolerance such as yours.' I have no trouble offering this reply, since I do not claim to make the distinction between education and conversation on the basis of anything except my loyalty to a particular community, a community whose interests required re-educating the Hitler Youth in 1945 and require re-educating the children of southwestern Virginia in 1993..."

— Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism by Richard Rorty
https://a.co/3psrY57

Saturday, February 5, 2022

Rorty's warning

Richard Rorty and How Postmodernism Helped Elect Trump

Richard Rorty and How Postmodernism Helped Elect Trump

Rupert Read on Richard Rorty's warning to the future.

This article is about how Richard Rorty, the late American Neo-Pragmatist philosopher, foresaw the coming of Donald Trump. It tells of the Richard Rorty I knew, an acerbic critic both of traditional philosophy and of the new brand of 'literary theory' and of postmodern fashions that swept the academic world and the cultural milieu more generally, in the later years of his life.

Rorty's name has suddenly become something of an internet sensation, with the rediscovery of his lovely little book of the late 90s: Achieving our country: Leftist thought in twentieth century America. Specifically, what has been rediscovered is his prescience in worrying that the promotion of 'cultural politics' above real politics, and a growing sense on the part of the working class that they have been stiffed by globalisation and neoliberalism, would combine in many of them abandoning 'the Left' for a nasty populist Right - realpolitik in the harshest sense of the term. This rediscovery has in the last few days been featured in the media in the U.K. and U.S.: see for example this useful article in the Guardian: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/nov/19/donald-trump-us-election-prediction-richard-rorty .

I was fortunate enough to have had Richard Rorty (1932-2007) as one of my teachers. Rorty had a significant influence on me, in terms of cementing the critique of philosophical foundationalism (the baleful influence of philosophies such as Cartesianism)— but without, as so many 'postmodern' thinkers did, undermining faith in traditional electoral politics.

Rorty was deeply worried by the widespread but in his view fundamentally-mistaken equation between the questioning of traditional philosophy's 'quest for certainty' on the one hand and the assumption of a truly 'post-truth' politics on the other. For Rorty, raising philosophical questions about theories of truth (which he did, as did Derrida or Baudrillard or Lyotard) by no means equated to putting a question-mark in front of ordinary politics altogether (and on this point Rorty was antagonistic to most of the followers of these French thinkers).

Our whole culture and civilisation has features which probabilify a tendency toward a notion that we live in 'post-truth' times. Chief among these is consumerism, which makes it seem as though one's opinions are one's own; that one can 'buy' whatever subjective truth one wants. The problem with postmodernism is arguably that it legitimates this kind of tendency, rather than challenging it. But Rorty would probably distinguish between being 'post-Truth' - post-metaphysical-theories-of-truth - and being 'post-truth' - post-truth altogether. He would approve of the former (like the French apostles of post-modernism) but disapprove of the latter. He once remarked to me that it was fine even to call the Correspondence Theory of Truth (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Correspondence_theory_of_truth ) - the classic boldest metaphysical theory of Truth - true… provided that one recognised that all one was then doing was praising an un-cash-able metaphor. He thought that, really, philosophical 'theories' were in most cases just metaphors pretending that they were more than 'mere' metaphors.

Rorty was all in favour of being 'post-Truth', but solidly against being 'post-truth'. That's the crucial difference between him on the one hand and the relativist or subjectivist philosophies of our time (and Donald Trump) on the other.

Rorty believed that the need for real social reform, for the tackling of inequality, and for the reining in of out-of-control financial etc. elites was not in the least undermined by giving up on excessively ambitious philosophical aims. He thought that the Enlightenment was on balance a philosophical failure - but that it was a political success that badly needed defending. In other words: he thought that the philosophies of Kant and the other philosophical 'heroes' of the Enlightenment over-reached, positing a kind of knowledge of Reality that was unattainable or absurd - but that the political values that emerged from these philosophies (of defending civil liberties, of resisting arbitrary religious authority, and of democracy), ought to be of enduring importance.

I studied with Rorty at the School of Criticism and Theory at Dartmouth, in the summer of 1992. Most of those in the class with me (a mix of professors and grad students) were not philosophers; most were from Literature Departments. The atmosphere in the class was often not at all pleasant; only a handful of us were interested in defending or even constructive criticism of Rorty's ideas. And some defence they needed: because most of those in the class were extremely hostile to Rorty's defence of anything like the traditional Left, and to his deep questioning of where the obsession with cultural politics was leading the English-speaking world.

I remember one incident particularly vividly. One of the students (a young, smart Literary Theory Prof) quizzed Rorty about his attitude to Judith Butler's (brilliantly clever) work (which we were studying in the class) on gender and 'performativity'. Didn't he (Rorty) think that it was of value for academics to bring out the radical potential of undermining traditional norms as to the nature of gender? Rorty responded thus, with a strong sense of irony and a hangdog look: "Yes; perhaps you are right; perhaps in the current state of our society the most effective subversive thing a male professor can do in the classroom is: once in a while to wear a dress." What Rorty meant was: if this is true, then it reflects somewhat badly on us and on the potential of our profession and of our culture more generally. For what would be missing from a society where that was the acme of radicalism was a sense of what needed critiquing and changing in that society that would speak to the needs of the ordinary mass of people coping with the aftermath of 12 years of Republican cuts, of extreme levels of economic inequality, and so forth. Yes; critiquing the idea of gender itself and exploring gender's performative aspects is a valuable thing to do. But the quest to be ever-more 'subversive' in this way misses the real radicalism: which would be (for example) changing our intellectual and practical priorities in such a way that the ideas of (for example) a Bernie Sanders got taken much more seriously...because he got put into the Oval Office...

A question of real interest and importance to the general public, now, is: how do we remain solid about politics, true to sentiments on the doorstep, true to a basic sense of our inhabiting a shared reality, serious about changing the world for the better (or at least: stopping it from uncontrollably sliding into a worse and worse situation, vis a vis politics, democracy, inequality, climate, and more)… how do we do all this in a culture where we are more than ever suspicious that what we are told may be untrue, and more than ever suspicious about what it means for something to be true. Rorty offers a possible way forward, vis a vis this crucial question.

I once asked Dick Rorty whether he would contemplate going into electoral politics himself. He answered strongly in the negative. It wasn't his role at all, it wasn't his forte, he said to me. His role was that of the public intellectual, trying to get people who were willing to think about politics to think about how the aim of politics needed to change, and how it needed to stay the same. Perhaps if there had been just a little more such thinking, the 'Free World' wouldn't now be 'led' by a man whose 'post-truth' rantings should make some postmodernists more than a little ashamed of themselves.

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Rupert Read is Reader in Philosophy at the University of East Anglia. He also chairs Green House. Follow him on Twitter: @RupertRead


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